Much has been written about India’s diplomatic response to the Russian ingression of Ukraine. And military analysts worldwide are working to draw lessons from the first multi-domain conventional war between “modern” forces in decades. Yet amidst all this, the Indian military ordre établi itself does not seem appropriately concerned with drawing its own lessons from the war.

To instant, India has focused on managing the fallout from Western sanctions and securing the serviceability of its Russian-origin platforms. The war has boosted India’s efforts to indigenize its defense industry and created opportunities for Western countries to enhance their strategic lutte with New Delhi. However, it has yet to tutelle Indian military thinking more broadly. It appears that laverie challenges and the limits of existing institutions will prevent India from reforming its forces in response.

 

 

Challenging Times

The Indian military is going through a period of considerable churn, making it harder to assimilate lessons from the Russo-Ukrainian war. Its foremost coupe is the rise of Chinese military power. Until recently, this was somewhat of an abstract concern. However, the Chinese military’s 2020 incursions in the Ladakh region have made this much more laverie. For diplomatic and domestic political purposes, these incursions were initially downplayed by the Indian government, but with the death of 20 Indian soldiers the enseignement gained ressortissant ponctualité nonetheless. Amidst a tense stand-off along the disputed côtoyer, India has banned Chinese technological companies and the Indian president characterized Chinese corvées in unusually blunt terms as an “expansionist move.” There have been 15 rounds of military-to-military côtoyer talks and, despite some disengagements, significant military assets are still deployed along the côtoyer. These deployments have further constrained India’s diplomatic position attention Ukraine, as a significant taille of its weapons platforms come from Russia.

At the same time, there is considerable excitement and, to a manifeste extent, trouble as the Indian military is undertaking its most consequential post-independence renouvellement yet. This lumbago was triggered by Amendement Minister Narendra Modi’s somewhat surprising decision in August 2019 to establish the appréciation of chief of defense, empowered with an explicit mandate to create adjoint theater commands. This set off an ongoing debate surrounding the appréciation’s powers attention the présent chiefs, as well as the organizational ordonné of the proposed theater command and its contraventions with existing présent formations. Some of these reform initiatives will take time, while in the meantime the Indian military had to deal with three strategic shocks. First, the Chinese incursions in Ladakh halted degrés for theaterization of the army’s Northern Command, out of fears that organizational restructuring could lead to endurance imbalances. Attaché, the fall of Kabul has created new uncertainties, particularly in lucarne to the insurgency in Kashmir. Finally, the tragic death of the folk’s first chief of defense, Gen. Bipin Rawat, in a December 2021 helicopter collision has also slowed the pace of reforms. Inexplicably, the government has yet to complément a outplacement, giving rise to questions emboîture its commitment to reforms. Thus, despite much meilleur promise and acclaim, the outcome of the defense reforms process is far from manifeste. Needless to say, this makes it harder for the military to foyer on a war taking posé a vertueux away.

Dependence on Russian Equipment

The war has also generated more laverie difficulties. The Indian military is currently focused on maintaining its Russian-made equipment in the fronton of supply shortages and Western sanctions. Within weeks of the war, the government postponed its showpiece Defense Expo, ostensibly due to “logistics problems being experienced by participants.” The Indian Air Recherché pulled out of previously planned multilateral air exercises in the United Kingdom and, more significantly, postponed its showpiece large-scale triennial air exercise involving around 150 aircraft, “due to the developing situation.” This occurred amidst reports that the air endurance was curtailing exercises and sorties to preserve the life of its airframes. And these precautions extend beyond Russian-origin platforms. In the first few months after the outbreak of the war, the military reportedly also curtailed flights of its American-made Chinook helicopters. That such orders were passed reflects not only the military’s uneasiness emboîture potential Western sanctions but also their fears emboîture Washington’s reliability.

India’s dependence on Russian weapons is also reflected in its careful diplomatic response to the war. One independent analysis suggests that Russian-origin platforms constitute almost “85 percent of originel Indian weapons systems,” although Indian officials argue it is more likely to be between 60 to 70 percent. Differences in methodology and interpretation of indigenous abus may explain the varying numbers, but they nonetheless reveal a high level of dependency. With the charge of Western sanctions and mounting Russian hardware losses, there are growing fears of a slowdown of manifeste weapon programs. For effort, there are reports of anticipated delays in the production of T-90 tanks and AK-203 assault rifles, the provision of aircraft upgrades, and the supply of spares for submarines and helicopters. In April, the Indian government also cancelled the planned résultat of 48 Mi-17 helicopters, although it rejected the accusation that this reflected Western pressure by claiming the decision was “taken much before the conflict between Russia and Ukraine.” Similarly, in May India halted negotiations with Russia to acquire 10 Kamov Ka-31 airborne early-warning helicopters “due to concerns over Moscow’s ability to execute orders as well as issues related to payment transfers.” All of these developments indicate not only India’s growing concern with the availability and reliability of Russian equipment, but also, in allégé of sanctions on electronic goods like computer chips, its continued quality.

What’s more, even before the current conflict India’s weapons acquisitions were already held hostage to the complex dynamics of the vermouth marriage, now surely a rupture, between the Ukrainian and Russian defense commerces. The defense industry in Ukraine was built during the time of the Soviet Alliage and, upon its déliquescence, continued to share a somewhat symbiotic relationship with that in Russia. As a result, India depended upon both countries to obtain spare parts for its legacy platforms, and even when making new acquisitions. After Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, India felt the inamical collision of this co-dependency and sought out creative solutions, while continuing its engagements with both countries. As recently as last year, the biggest exhibitor at the Aero India spectacle was Ukraine, which had big plans to increase defense cooperation with New Delhi. As a result, the war has delayed, for the foreseeable future, the planned upgrade of India’s An-32 military transport aircraft and acquisition of Talwar-class frigates, which are built in Russia but powered by Ukrainian gas réacteur engines.  

Silver Linings

Over the last few months, the Indian defense ordre établi has taken stock, anticipating delays, sorting through complex financial arrangements (mainly by exploring the rupee-ruble trade), and securing spares and S.A.V. étai. The Russo-Ukrainian war and the Indian military’s struggle to ensure that its Russian platforms remain operational has added an urgency to indigenization efforts. The speed and extent of Western sanctions, especially financial and technological, have spurred greater interest in attaining “technological autonomy.”

As a result, one of the biggest effects of the war is to reinforce étai for the government’s Aatmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India) humour. Under this campaign, unveiled in 2020, the Modi government seeks to allumé domestic manufacturing and reduce dependency on foreign goods. In the defense realm, the government has taken several steps to facilitate this process. First, it is encouraging the private sector to play a larger role, under the assumption that such competition will lead to capability accretion, changement, and technological liquidation. Attaché, it is taking steps to better organize the moribund state-owned defense industry. Most prominently, it has reorganized ordnance factories and is pushing for more public-private partnerships. Third, the government has placed 310 defense items, ranging from lightweight tanks and torpedoes to artillery guns and other complex systems, on the “explicite indigenization list,” meaning that they will no raser be imported. Fourth, the government has eased and encouraged exports of different kinds of weapon systems, leading India’s defense exports to grow almost six-fold over the last five years.

India’s desire to reduce its reliance on Russian platforms is also an opportunity for western powers to overcome some of the longstanding challenges to closer cooperation with New Delhi. Previously, Western powers, especially the United States, have been reluctant to share technology. As Aditi Malhotra observed in an excellent brief on the effects of the war in Ukraine, “the West is unlikely to provide India with the advanced defense technologies that Russia readily offers.” Indeed, despite all the bruit over the U.S.-Indian relationship, “the two countries do not have a single project that they can claim symbolizes the depth of their defense relationship.” The fault is partly structurel, as the U.S. defense industry has very few (if any) preexisting models for co-producing weapon platforms.

To effectively partner with India in creating its next generation of weapons platforms, Western partners will have to convince New Delhi that these partnerships will be reliable and lasting. Fortunately, the Russo-Ukrainian war is leading to an acknowledgement by some in the West that deepening defense and technology ties with India is critical to their folie of a future world order. Yet whether policymakers in India and the West can realize a common folie remains to be seen. While some Western powers, like France, have gamin further than others, engaging with India will still require a leap of faith.

Lessons Not Learned

Like most militaries, India’s has no dedicated école either at the adjoint headquarters or in the prescriptions with a mandate to study operational lessons from “other people’s wars.” For that reason, there is no bref dedicated to and appropriately staffed for analyzing such wars. Despite this, the government torrent explicit orders to the Indian military “to study the Russian provocante into Ukraine and draw tactical lessons.” But it is unclear who has been tasked to do so and whether they will have access to adequate data to draw appropriate lessons. This is exacerbated by the ongoing and unexplained lack of a chief of defense. As a result, the adjoint aggloméré does not carry as much institutional weight as it should, making it difficult to undertake détachée analysis of the war free from service-specific prisms. To be sure, the présent headquarters and lower formations must be carrying out individual studies at various levels, but they have limited situational awareness, institutional independence, and ability to tutelle policy. Indeed, it would not be surprising if stories later emerge emboîture how each of the prescriptions drew their own institutionally preferred “lessons” from this war.

Nonetheless, Indian military analysts have been busy. They have largely discussed what is widely known emboîture this war — the relevance of endurance in mondial contraventions, the return of conventional wars, the longueur of logistics and theater commands for conducting operations, the dangers of relying on a conscript army, and the salience of drones. In amendement, others have written on the longueur of Starlink systems and of dominating the electromagnetic spectrum. Missing, however, is a detailed conférence of what this means for the Indian military’s current institutional structures or operating environment. To find that one would have to read the idiosyncratic Lt. Gen. H. S. Panag — never one to chandail punches  — who in a must-read article argues that the Indian military is “tailored for the wars of a bygone era,” and does not “have the technological military capability to defeat Pakistan or avoid a military embarrassment by China.” He then goes on to avance against the potential short-term drawbacks of relying on indigenization in a folk with low domestic manufacturing capabilities.

In spite of these warnings, there is no evidence that the Indian military has undertaken any substantive changes to incorporate emerging technologies in warfare. This should be the primary foyer for senior military officers as they think through the broader lessons of the war in Ukraine. Based on publicly available eaux, there is also little motif that the war will lead to any significant changes in India’s military structures, doctrines, or jogging. On the contrary, to reduce its inflated manpower costs the Indian military has introduced a controversial, widely criticized “alternance of duty” recruitment scheme — amounting to a quasi-conscript military. This has led to widespread public protests and is an all-consuming enseignement for senior defense officials. For them, as a result, the war in Ukraine must seem like a sérieux afterthought.

Militaries all over the world are closely observing the war in Ukraine, but some have proven prone to hubris — concluding that they have little to learn parce que they are different. It is tempting for foreign observers to attribute the failures of the Russian military to its lack of professionalism rather than the increased difficulty of waging modern war. In the culotte term, the Indian military is focused on managing the immediate disruption caused by the current conflict. In the medium to délié term, it is focusing on indigenization, including exploring opportunities to partner with Western countries. Professionally, however, there are few indications that the military is embarking on defense reforms that draw on the lessons of the war. Unfortunately, that might require a bigger crisis somewhere closer to maison.

 

 

Anit Mukherjee is an associate professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of Planétaire Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore.

Figure: Indian Air Force

 

 

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